Syria’s civil society is on the cusp of a potentially game-changing political intervention. Following two years of preparation, the Madaniya (“Civil”) initiative held its inaugural conference at the Institut du Monde Arabe, in Paris, on June 5-6. With over 180 participating organizations, it showcased the intellectual and networking capacity of Syrian civil society built over the past several years with mainly Western support.
What sets Madaniya apart from previous conferences is its size and potential for influence. While the extensive and diverse range of participants lends grassroots legitimacy among local communities, Madaniya also wields clout on the international stage. Much of this can be attributed to Ayman Asfari, a British-Syrian billionaire philanthropist with financial muscle and an impressive rolodex. Asfari successfully persuaded Syrian civil society organizations in Syria and the diaspora, some of which hold weight in the aid and rehabilitation sectors, to coalesce under one umbrella and under his chairmanship. Madaniya gives them the ability to speak with one voice — a distinct advantage in the world of advocacy.
Reclaiming political agency
The conference’s slogan, “Reclaiming political agency,” reflects the aspirations voiced by civil society, which is often seen as a values-based corrective force to formal politics and identifies itself as such. Madaniya claims that position too. However, by actively seeking a political role within formal processes on “deciding” Syria’s future while also maintaining its civil role, Madaniya will have to walk a tightrope. One attendee said that the conference felt like “a wedding without a groom,” highlighting the lack of clarity on how this balancing act will be achieved.
To sustain the momentum generated by its successful launch, Madaniya needs to find the right idea that resonates with Syrians and that gives life to its political program. This is a challenge because coming up with an idea that might work in today’s conflict environment requires sufficient internal cohesion within Madaniya and an external bridge to formal politics.
Currently, civil society’s participation in formal political platforms is limited to forums created by the United Nations: the Civil Society Support Room (CSSR) and the Women’s Advisory Board (WAB), both of which serve as formalized sounding boards for the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria. Additionally, the Constitutional Committee includes a civil society component, with members chosen by the U.N. (21 names) and the Syrian government (29 names). However, the Constitutional Committee does not constitute a formal political track, as President Bashar al-Assad has declared from the beginning that the Syrian government is not officially part of the committee. If civil society wishes to have a more active role in shaping Syria’s future, it needs a partner with an existing political mandate to work through. Aside from the Assad government, the only Syrian platform with an internationally recognized mandate is the Syrian opposition represented by the Syrian Negotiation Commission (SNC), an umbrella body of opposition groups established in 2015.
Many civil society organizations have maintained distance from the SNC due to ideological, organizational, and sometimes personal differences. Throughout the Syrian conflict, the formal opposition and civil society have drifted apart instead of joining forces. This disconnect stems from internal divisions and issues of agency, a key term in Madaniya’s agenda. Political agency is something that Syria’s opposition has been deprived of, not only before 2011 but also during the uprising, when it had to navigate relations with multiple international stakeholders. In such an environment of dependency and internal pressure, where dynamics that have been internalized over decades of dictatorship surfaced and where radical voices found fertile ground amid the desperate situation of war, developing a shared understanding of peaceful coexistence in a future Syria proved challenging.
Building a bridge to formal politics
Over a decade into the conflict, some of the dust has now settled. The SNC finds itself in a weakened position, as does civil society. While the latter has developed considerable capacity and plays an important role in creating spaces for Syrian identity, as well as helping to deliver aid, it remains on the sidelines of formal politics. As the prospect of the U.N.-sponsored peace process declines, the Arab initiative and the Moscow-led quadrilateral format (Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Assad’s Syria) gain influence. Neither of these platforms envisions a role for the Syrian opposition, including civil society. In response to this development, the SNC has attempted to close ranks. The SNC’s general assembly was held in Geneva over the weekend of June 3-4, marking the first time since 2019 that all components of the body participated. All oppositionists now realize that if U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254 is disregarded by the Amman and Moscow tracks, they will have no further role to play in political negotiations. If Madaniya aims to claim political agency, it might consider engaging with the SNC in a defense of the opposition’s right to shape the future of Syria.
Achieving full agreement on Syria’s future is not necessary for such cooperation. It is natural for Syrians to have differences on core issues related to identity, sovereignty, and representation. Civil society over the years has produced numerous publications outlining their visions on these questions, but the realities of the conflict make it challenging to contemplate the implementation of such fundamental changes. Given the concerning situation on the ground, where authoritarian forces are consolidating power, the aim should probably be to build alliances with those that are open to reasonable and good faith dialogue.
The SNC remains the internationally recognized body representing the Syrian opposition and continues to receive support, albeit sometimes discreetly. The complementary potential of the SNC and civil society should not be dismissed. Grassroots civil society networks are an under-utilized resource in the Track I process. With proper coordination and a common program, Madaniya can leverage these networks as assets in politics. Specifically, this involves laying the groundwork for confidence-building measures (CBMs), though these have so far suffered from a “you first syndrome,” as U.N. Special Envoy Geir Pedersen put it. In other words, conflict parties are hesitant to put forth any proposals before they know what they would get in return, or at least until they can obtain a concrete framework for a negotiation process on identified milestones.
Creating a safe, calm, and neutral environment
Civil society could potentially alleviate this syndrome by developing realistic proposals to improve ground conditions the United States and the European Union can get behind that build sustainability, reduce aid dependency, and improve cross-line relations. Political agency can be reclaimed by civil society only when the big-ticket items related to identity, sovereignty, and representation are put on the back burner for the moment and instead focus shifts to practical questions that allow short-term progress. How do you kickstart a local economy? How do you enhance food security? How should communication and coordination be improved among competing local service providers? How can local ownership and oversight be built into Early Recovery programs that are implemented equally in the whole of Syria? Addressing these questions in a manner that generates win-win situations for conflict stakeholders on the ground requires in-depth knowledge of local contexts possessed by civil society. The SNC can step in at the Track I level to champion these initiatives by translating civil society demands into a negotiating strategy in formal political talks.
To claim a political role, Madaniya will have to go beyond moralizing statements and declarations of intent. It needs a program and a partner. The U.N.’s call for establishing a “safe, calm, and neutral environment” (SCNE) for all of Syria represents a legitimate framework under which Madaniya can operationalize its program. The natural partner for this endeavor is the SNC. Together, they might still be able to shape Syria’s political trajectory for the better.
Malik al-Abdeh is managing director of Conflict Mediation Solutions, a Track II consultancy. Previously, he was a consultant at the Humanitarian Dialogue Centre and program manager at the European Institute of Peace. He is based in London.
Lars Hauch is a researcher and policy advisor at Conflict Mediation Solutions. Before, he worked as independent researcher and consultant for various humanitarian organizations, security companies and political consultancies. His analyses of non-state armed groups, humanitarian responses and political dynamics in Syria and the region have appeared in numerous publications.
Disclosure: The Asfari Foundation has previously provided funding for MEI’s work on Syria.
Photo courtesy Lars Hauch
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